One of the most important factors in the development of African American civil rights was the Reconstruction process and the growth of grassroots black leaders. They laid the groundwork for activists like MLK and members of the NAACP. The radical Reconstruction that occurred in 1867 was the greatest development of de jure civil rights for African Americans in the 19th century. However, it is not the most important factor as it has not caused a substantial improvement in the lives of African Americans. The 14th Amendment was a significant piece of civil rights legislation as it recognized that all American citizens should be considered equal under the law. Johnson recognized that the 14th Amendment would not be implemented in the more hostile Southern states. Therefore, the Military Reconstruction Act of 1867 took away individual state power and representation from Southern states until they allowed blacks to vote and ratified the 14th Amendment. This was a significant piece of legislation as it forced the South to legally recognize the rights of African Americans. While this improved de jure civil rights, it did little to improve de facto rights. The law failed to create federal agencies to protect the rights of blacks or provide economic aid to free slaves, meaning that the standard of living for African Americans was still substandard. The 15th Amendment of 1870 was another major development in de jure civil rights, as it stated that the vote could not be denied because of race. Its impact was limited as it did not ban states from introducing literacy, property and education tests for potential voters. De facto civil rights were soon curtailed as Southern states found new ways to suppress the black vote with most Southern states introducing income and literacy requirements, to penalize blacks lacking education due to slavery. It is clear that Reconstruction had done little to improve civil rights as in 1900 only 3% of southern blacks could vote. Reconstruction failed to bring lasting political and de facto gains for the civil rights of African Americans, but it set an important precedent for later legislation such as Roosevelt's New Deal, which would greatly improve the socioeconomic status of African Americans. The failure of Radical Reconstruction inspired early activists such as Ida B. Wells and Booker T. Washington to attempt to improve the lives of African Americans. Activism would prove to be an essential part of the civil rights movement until 1968. Ida B. Wells' first fight against lynchings marked the starting point of the civil rights struggle. Wells was driven from the South after writing in the Memphis Free State that no one believes the “lie that Negro men rape white women.” It highlighted the clear racism present in Southern society, setting a precedent for de facto improvements in civil rights. He lectured on lynching in major cities such as Washington and Philadelphia, with his lecture tour of Britain leading to public outcry against lynching. Although Wells failed to make significant progress in improving de jure civil rights as she failed to convince the federal government to legislate against lynching, she brought the issue to the public's attention. This is significant for the improvement of African American rights as it allowed the movement to gain publicity, which would ultimately improve de facto rights. Booker T. Washington, one of the first great civil rights leaders, had an accommodating approach to improving de facto rights. He believedthat to survive in an oppressive white society, blacks had to accept the status quo and improve their educational and professional skills instead of protesting. Although controversial, Washington's approach allowed for a short-term improvement in de facto civil rights. Washington was the first black speaker to speak at the Atlanta World's Fair with his most famous speech, the "Atlanta Compromise", stating that it is foolish to agitate for social equality since equality would be achieved through hard work, not with strength. Washington helped improve de facto civil rights by funding education, through the Tuskegee Institute, and gaining white support through its moderate approach to black-white cooperation. However, it accepted segregation, contributing to the continued perpetuation of racial inequality, and was not radical enough to bring about real change in society. Its success was limited to a short-term improvement in the living standards of African Americans in the South. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essay Louis Harlan's interpretation of Booker T. Washington is unconvincing as he portrays him as the leading expert on Booker T Washington in the late 20th century, writing extensively about him between 1970 and 2000. He was recognized for having mastered the primary sources on Washington and his overall interpretation of Washington is negative. In his essay “Booker T. Washington in Bioographic Perspective,” Harlan states the view that Washington did not merely “pragmatically” adapt his accommodative philosophy to fit the restrictive outlook of the time, but was instead consistent in believing that for to be a successful black man, he and others must adapt to the reality of white power. This is a moderately convincing interpretation since Washington's rise from slave to middle class served as testimony that it was possible for African Americans to succeed in a white-dominated society, with the success of his autobiography "Up from Slavery" showing how Washington has profited from its accommodative stance. Harlan rejects the interpretation that Washington was only publicly accommodating and secretly radical, suggesting that Washington's covert militancy did little to help race relations and his tendency to use espionage against other African American leaders outweighed any contribution he had to improving of civil rights. However, this interpretation is less convincing since Harlan was naturally disposed to be biased against Washington's infiltration of the NAACP since Harlan himself joined the NAACP in the 1950s, so it is natural that he would widely criticize Washington for spying on an organization whose was part of it. From. One of the major flaws of Harlan's interpretation of Booker T Washington is Harlan's tendency to overemphasize Washington's vices. An example of this is Harlan's statement that because Washington grew up on a small farm rather than a plantation, he "never experienced slavery in its harshest forms", so he was unfit to comment on the psychological aspects harmful to slavery that the philosophy of accommodation added. . However, Harlan himself has admitted to passively harboring racist attitudes during World War II and, as a white American, is unfit to comment on Washington's experience of slavery. Additionally, in Washington's biography he describes the hardships he endured as a slave. He slept on a dirty floor and did not have proper clothing for most of his childhood. Overall,Harlan's interpretation of Washington is overly harsh as he criticizes Washington's philosophy without truly knowing what Washington believed and ignores the historical constraints that have been placed on Washington. Dr. David H. Jackson has a contrasting interpretation of Washington's philosophy and role as an early black leader. In 'Booker T. Washington and the Struggle Against White Supremacy (The Southern Educational Tours 1908-1912), Jackson argues that Washington was not accommodating but was instead practically "Machiavellian" in his approach to politics, meaning that Washington was astute and unscrupulous. This is a compelling interpretation of Washington as Washington's ability to befriend white philanthropists allowed him to fund black education through the Tuskegee Institution, as evidenced by Rosenwald, a white businessman who contributed 4 million of dollars to the project.the construction of more than 4,000 rural schools in the South after Washington's death. Jackson also argues that Washington used his educational travels throughout the South to spread the message of black progress. While Harlan considered these tours unimportant, Jackson considered them as significant as important attempts to combat the white bigotry that was widespread in the South. Jackson states that the tours were an opportunity for Washington "to educate himself, and especially others, about the progress of the black race." This is a compelling interpretation of Washington's work, as Washington argued that African Americans improved their de facto rights by becoming educated. Washington reached approximately one million people through his tours of the South, highlighting the positive effect Booker T. Washington had on the African-American community. Jackson's interpretation of Washington is more convincing than Harlan's because it places Washington's activities in the context of the historical constraints he faced. In the early 20th century, black activists faced the constant threat of lynching, and while this was still a problem when MLK began speaking out about civil rights, Washington faced a much greater threat with much less support. Jackson's interpretation is further strengthened by the fact that Jackson is an African American activist scholar who uses knowledge to teach others about black equality and civil rights. Although Harlan was also a civil rights activist, he never experienced racism and discrimination, so he struggles to appreciate the dangers posed by Washington. The most important factor in the development of African American civil rights was the constant activism of the NAACP which successfully improved both de jure and de facto civil rights while improving the lives of African Americans economically and socially. Although the NAACP was not the only association that aimed to improve the civil rights of blacks, it was, and still is, the largest civil rights organization, and the fact that it still exists today demonstrates its effectiveness. One of the reasons for the success of the NAACP was its formation, as it was created by an interracial group of activists, including the prominent black activist Du Bois. The NAACP helped improve de facto voting equality by pressuring the Supreme Court to rule against the Grandfather Clause, which Southern states had exploited after Reconstruction to skew voting equality in favor of whites. In March 1915, "The Birth of a Nation" was released, in which the South was depicted as ruled by rowdy African Americans who were heroically overthrown at the end of the film by the KKK. The NAACP attempted to incite people to boycott this inherently racist and inaccurate film, butDue to the film's overwhelming popularity there was little significant white opposition. The letter from Mary Childs Nerney, national security director of the NAACP, highlights the NAACP's greatest strength: their unwavering perseverance in opposing racism in all its forms. The letter highlights the NAACP's "utter disgust" with the film, meaning it is valuable to show the NAACP's ability to take strong stands on issues that have negatively impacted the image of African-Americans. This shows that the NAACP was not only concerned with passing laws to support civil rights, but also wanted to change the attitudes of ordinary white Americans. It also helps show the NAACP's ability to adapt as they knew it would be impossible to convince people not to watch the film, so they focused on cutting out the most horrific scenes. However, the source also highlights the NAACP's flaws as it achieved mixed, minor cuts with "six weeks of consistent effort" doing little to help the situation. The source is also valuable for examining the early organization of the NAACP as Mary Childs Nerney was a white woman who was only the executive secretary of the NAACP from 1912 to 1916. She often lost patience with African-American people and did not cooperate with W.E.B. Du Bois, refusing to lead the campaign to ban "The Birth of a Nation." It is therefore clear that the NAACP originally depended heavily on white support, due to the level of danger that came with being a black activist in the early 20th century. Overall, the letter is extremely valuable in highlighting how and why the NAACP conducted its campaigns. The NAACP began to rely more on black activists to run the organization, which strengthened the rights of African Americans by creating black role models and enabling further cooperation with black communities. Charles Houston was appointed to head the NAACP's legal campaign in 1934, which was significant since he was a black man who insisted that the NAACP hire black lawyers, meaning that the NAACP directly created good-paying jobs for African Americans. In 1936, Houston's star student, Thurgood Marshall, was hired, and together they led the fight against segregated education in the 1930s and 1940s. They worked to engage Black communities at the local level, something previous leaders failed to do. The success of these two men was demonstrated in their victory in "MISSOURI EX REL GAINES VS CANADA 1938," where the Supreme Court ruled that blacks were entitled to the same quality of college education as whites. One factor that contributed to their success was that they were able to establish that graduate schools were an easier target than larger, high-profile public schools. The strategic activism of the NAACP has enabled the development of African American rights to a greater extent than individual exponents of the movement. The NAACP continued to play an integral role in the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. They continued their work to give African Americans an equal education, building on Booker T. Washington's earlier ideas in a more radical and successful way. A landmark victory was the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision in “BROWN VS BOARD OF EDUCATION” that outlawed segregation in public schools. The NAACP also played an important role in protecting activism during this period, helping to organize the 1963 March on Washington, one of the largest civil rights demonstrations in U.S. history. Overall, the NAACP is.