1. It is evident that the determinants of health and disease cannot be divided into a single universal entity, but rather involve interconnecting mechanisms that all contribute to the overall experience of health. These mechanisms arise from one's culture, as culture is intended to provide people with meaning and a set of beliefs/values to rely on. It could be argued that the definition of wellness is socially constructed whereby the normality of health is based on one's culture, what one culture may consider an illness, other cultures may see this phenomenon in a completely different light. Characteristics such as history, politics, cultural norms, gender, etc. they all contribute to a particular cultural identity and therefore contribute to the way health and illness are viewed in said cultures. Through the exploration of these characteristics, one can understand the significant influence that culture then has on medical practice and disease. In the Azande community, witchcraft is employed as a means to explain relationships between men and misfortunes (Evans-Pritchard, 20). Although many may believe that witchcraft is supernatural and rather strange, this belief system has a certain logic, whereby, like that of other cultures, it is intended to explain the inexplicable; because anomalies occur despite usual conditions. This is a great example of how the Azande embody the concept of witchcraft as a significant aspect of their cultural understanding of disease. Despite the fact that this person may have done nothing wrong in the world, there must be an alternative explanation for why said person is doomed with an illness that is out of his or her control (Evans-Pritchard, 24). In the case of the Azande culture, illness is linked to their belief system, where… in the center of the card… as an illness. While Maoist China had collectivist views and therefore considered individual desire to be wrong, post-Maoist China began to recognize impotence as a medical problem for which, in light of moral symptomatology, hostility towards individual desire was alleviated (Zhang , 482). Similar to semantic networks of illness, moral symptomatology applies language as a meaningful symbol of the underlying mechanisms of society that contribute to the experience of illness. Both theories encompass the idea that terms to describe experience are useful in explaining the society that controls these opinions. In China, for example, with the issue of impotence, the way in which an illness is explained through a set of words can determine its moral nature; it is the combination that contributes to the overall explanation of the disease that reflects the culture from which the language derives.
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